When I was about twenty and in the U.S. Air Force, I had already assimilated an anti-Vietnam war stance, oddly enough. I had joined the Air Force primarily to avoid the draft and subsequently being sent to Vietnam. My function, while in the Air Force, was as a photo lab technician, stationed in California.
My parents were conservative Republicans and, while I had been in favor of the war in Vietnam in my early teens, after my mother’s untimely death from cancer in 1971 and my enlistment in the Air Force only months later, I was no longer living within my parents’ political sphere of influence. This, coupled with being in California, served to shift my viewpoint, though I still retained an allegiance to capitalistic free enterprise.
It was at this time that I first learned of libertarianism, that oddball mixture of conservative economics with anti-statist anarchism. What attracted me was the emphasis upon personal liberty, which, being in the Air Force and being an admittedly spoiled and not very mature young man who had grown up in the suburbs devoid of any real responsibility, sounded like just what I was looking for.
As I delved more deeply into libertarianism, I was somewhat disturbed that leftists were also among their membership, but, since they shared most of the same goals, I shrugged this off and focused my attention upon the writings of those libertarians who had come from the ranks of conservatism, like me.
Being attracted, as I was, by the individualist philosophy of libertarianism, I soon became attached to the anarcho-individualist and anarcho-capitalist factions of the movement. I was convinced that, in order for a free society in which individual rights were truly extant to exist at all, the existing social order and government had to be scrapped in favor of an anarcho-individualist/anarcho-capitalist society.
What I couldn’t see, despite detractors’ warnings, was that this viewpoint was not only as much a fantasy as the socialist’s view that the existing order must be swept away to make way for a socialist society, but that, in fact, my vision was exactly the same thing as the socialist’s view, with the exception of what I proposed to replace the old order with. But I rationalized even that by deluding myself into believing that, in an anarchist society, everyone would be free to pursue whatever political and social order they wanted to. The communists and socialists could band together to form their little utopias, while those of us who favored capitalism would be free to pursue our own goals.
Despite growing doubts as to how, exactly, all of this would take place, I stubbornly and blindly clung to my faith in the ideal of a stateless utopia of free individuals, each pursuing his or her own self-interest, unencumbered by the constraints of government.
Eventually, I began to concede that some aspects of this vision were highly unlikely and I began to accept, grudgingly, at first, that some minimal form of government was necessary for civil order and defense to exist, though I still clung to the idea that an army could be entirely privatized. I held the belief that anything government could do, the private sector could do better.
I was later disappointed at the extent to which privatization and deregulation actually works in practice, however. When the airlines were deregulated, during the Reagan administration, I at first applauded this, thinking it was the beginning of the gradual phasing out of big government and the replacing of it with private free enterprise. It didn’t take long to see the effects were not what I had predicted they would be. Instead of the airlines policing themselves, as I predicted all honest businesses would do, the airlines began to become lax in maintenance and safety standards and the result was disastrous. During the early to mid-eighties, air crashes began increasing with alarming rapidity and the airlines began having problems with solvency, as well. Stories about pilots asleep in the cockpit and other alarming news became more and more common.
Then came the Wallstreet criminals, Ivan Boesky and Michael Milken, the forerunners of today’s Enron executives. This seriously deflated my cherished notion that most businessmen were honest, hardworking folks who, if left alone by government, could be trusted to police themselves without government coercion. These developments, combined with the growing realization that the leftists within the libertarian movement were calling for something that, as a matter of course, couldn’t possibly be compatible with individual liberty, lead me to eventually stop being a part of the libertarian movement.
In hindsight, I realize now that I had neglected the effects of an ever leftward-leaning culture which was eroding such values as honesty and integrity. So, it wasn’t that I was wrong about most businessmen being honest, so much as it was that our culture, subverted by the left, was bound to have affected the moral standards of everyone in the society, corporate leaders included.
For several years thereafter, I was nearly apolitical, as I had lost faith in all political movements and I didn’t see anything to replace libertarianism with. I began to reject the tenets of the Libertarian Party’s platform, little by little. I had never subscribed to some of them, in the first place, such as the legalization of drugs and prostitution. By the mid-eighties, I had also rejected the non-interventionist foreign policy, as well. I was convinced that, not only was some minimal government necessary, but that, in a world in which other nations remained and many of them were hostile to peace and human rights, an isolationist policy was not only untenable, but dangerous.
The final straw came after 9/11, when it finally occurred to me that the years I had invested in libertarianism had not only been a complete waste of time, but had blinded me to the fact that the libertarians, like the left, are pursuing a fantasy world that can never exist on earth and that the only political group in the world that had an real efficacy at protecting individual liberty and my homeland was the Republican Party. I had known since childhood, from my conservative parents, that the Democrats were not to be trusted as they supported communism and socialism, and, after I stopped voting libertarian (where I could; the ballot was always stacked against the Libertarians, so I had voted Republican where there were no Libertarians to vote for), I voted for George Bush in 2000. This was largely to keep the left out of power, though.
When 9/11 occurred and President Bush showed his true patriotism and his mettle as a world leader, I had an epiphany. Here, I had devoted years of my life to resisting both the Democrats and the Republicans, thinking there was no real difference between them and, now, all of a sudden, the true difference was as stark and as real as it had been to me when I was a child many years earlier. I realized, at that point, that only George Bush’s administration stood as the protector of freedom and justice in the world and I enthusiastically returned to the conservative values my parents had instilled in me as a boy.
Since then, I have awakened from my long political slumber of the nineties and have not only revived my interest in politics, but have learned of the undeniable proof of the left’s treachery, revealed in 1995 by the Venona files and I have taken it upon myself to spread awareness of how our nation was infiltrated by nearly three hundred Soviet spies before and during WWII and how the Democratic Party was also infiltrated and subverted by Soviet agents. I believe that, once the public knows the facts revealed by Venona, there will be no place for the American Left to hide any longer.